Political Science Department Theses and Dissertations

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Advocacy and Community Based Organizations: How to Achieve Policy Development
(2013-10-07) Edwards, Taura Brown; Bandele, Ramla M., 1949-; Ferguson, Margaret Robertson; McCormick, John, 1954-
This study questions if the advocacy efforts of community based organizations, like community development corporations, voluntary member associations, and community action agencies, can achieve policy development. Policy development is defined as the proposal of a policy by a community based organization. That policy proposal receives the attention of local decision makers for consideration. This study uses the stages of the policy process to assess what coordinated activities are most effective to achieve policy development. It was concluded that community based organizations can achieve policy development, if they identify an issue or problem, conduct some level of strategic planning, create a policy agenda, and seek access to decision makers. In all three case analyses, the hybrid organization, community action agency, and the voluntary member association were able to achieve policy development. This research does not focus on policy impact or evaluation. The goal was to ascertain how effective an organization can be at proposing a solution and receiving the attention of local decision makers. This research explores how organizational development can become the foundation for advocating for issues and achieve policy development. Community based organizations are not only government funded service providers, but also community collaborators and educators who stimulate citizen participation and increase public awareness about social issues. Their role as autonomous service providers puts them in a conundrum because of their funding streams. Since the 1950s, researchers have explored the roles and responsibilities of government-funded service providers. This study provides an overview of the roles of community based organizations and activities that define their political participation. It explores how these organizations mitigate issues to ensure overall community success.
An analysis of leadership among one-term presidents
(2015-07) Byrne, Sean; Blake, William D.; Ferguson, Margaret R.; Friesen, Amanda J.
The study of the presidency would appear to be relatively simple. The sample population is relatively small, their performance is, for the most part, recorded and like the weather, it seems everyone has opinions about them. In reviewing current literature discussing presidential greatness, most historians and political scientists have generally looked to answer two questions: 1) Who were our greatest, and; 2) How should all be rank ordered? For the last 65+ years, presidential polls have been the main vehicle used to answer these questions. In doing so, researchers have generally reached out to the public and asked them to rank order the presidents from greatest to worst. The results at the top and bottom of these surveys have been relatively consistent. While the specific order may vary, Abraham Lincoln, George Washington and Franklin Delano Roosevelt are generally viewed as the best; with the likes of James Buchanan, Andrew Johnson and Warren Harding at or near the bottom of the rankings. As for the rest, they usually fit into one of four categories -- the near great, the average, the below average, or failures, with the one-term presidents who failed to be reelected normally being rated in the lower categories. This would seem to make sense, because they are often viewed as failed presidents. However, as surprising as it may seem, of the 43 men who have served as President of the United States, only fourteen were reelected and went on to serve past their initial term. Ten were defeated in their bid for a second term. Five failed in their attempt to win their party’s nomination to run for reelection and seven opted not to run for reelection. Additionally, five of the seven who died while in office, died during their first term and were not afforded the opportunity to run for a second term. It does not appear that any scholarly work has been done to collectively look at this group who make up a full third of the presidential population. This represents a sizable gap in political thinking to be rectified.
Avoiding the Dutch disease: Political settlement and institutional development in Kenya
(2019-12) Nagila, Humphrey Bwire; Pegg, Scott; Dusso, Aaron; McCormick, John
Petroleum is undoubtedly one of the most valuable commodities in the world with an annual production worth billions of dollars, and an attempt to relate it to the slow economic performance of a country may seem far-fetched. Studies on sub-Saharan countries that produce oil have often viewed the country’s ability to govern oil from an institutionalist lens. This Thesis aims to explore the governance and management of oil resources in African states since this is the focal point between the oil-rich countries and the international community. By using a political settlement framework, I seek to further the “resource curse” discourse by challenging the new institutionalist theory which fails to adequately address the Dutch disease problem. I compare the political settlement between Ghana and Kenya and explore the dynamics of power and politics and how this relationship shapes the functionality of institutions. My analysis of the current political settlement in Kenya that is dynamic in nature, suggests that acceptable levels of elite commitment and bureaucratic capability are unlikely to be reached hence making Kenya prone to the Dutch Disease.
Campaign length and its impact on voter turnout
(2017-09) Hill, Michael Scott; McCormick, John
This thesis examines campaign length and its effect on voter turnout. It uses a comparative approach to better understand how different countries deal with campaigns. This analysis looks at the last four elections from the US, UK, and Sweden to argue that an effective way to increase voter turnout in the government is to shorten the length of the campaign seasons. The shorter the campaign, the more individuals will turn out to vote. Shorter campaigns also mean that less money needs to be raised, which could limit corruption in politics. Shorter campaigns, it is argued in this thesis, are an effective answer to increasing overall voter turnout.
Changes in Income Inequality Under Democratic and Republican Governors
(2015-12) Wolf, Jake Alexander; McCormick, John; Dusso, Aaron Philip; Friesen, Amanda Jo
I examined a panel of all 50 states over a period of 30 years between 1981 and 2010, estimating a random effects model to examine the relationship between the party of a state’s governor and changes in pretax and transfer income inequality. Though the literature has quite consistently shown that income inequality increases more quickly under Republican governors or when policies favored by Republicans are implemented, I find no evidence to support this, though this is perhaps because I did not allow a long enough lag time for new policies to have an effect. I did, however, find that pretax income inequality increases more quickly under Democratic presidents than under Republicans, in spite of the fact that all previous research shows the opposite to be true. I suspect that this unusual finding is the result of a quirk in my 1981-2010 time frame, namely the effects of the shift in welfare policy under the Clinton administration in the 1990s.
Charter schools and neighborhood revitalization in Indianapolis (2000-2010)
(2014) Marking, Janea L.; Ferguson, Margaret Robertson; Dusso, Aaron; Friesen, Amanda J.
Charter schools are a major movement in American education and increasingly used as a city strategy for neighborhood rehabilitation. Indianapolis is one of a growing number of urban areas to promote charter schools as catalysts for neighborhood revitalization. Previous studies find mixed results about the causes of neighborhood change or how residents make mobility decisions. The present study seeks to create an empirical model that discovers the impact of charter schools as a neighborhood amenity. This is based on two measures of well-being: change in percentage poverty and change in percentage school-aged residents. Data indicate a negative relationship between charter schools in a census tract and the school-aged resident population. However, statistical analysis did not support a significant relationship between either measure and charter schools in the ten year time frame.
Evaluating the criteria for successful elections in post-conflict countries : a case study including Iraq, Sierra Leone, and Bosnia and Herzegovina
(2014) Dutton, Laura A.; Pegg, Scott; McCormick, John, 1954-; Dusso, Aaron
Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.
Exploring Home Rule Authority: An Assessment of the Impetuses Behind Broad Grants of Local Power
(2010-01-26T20:06:58Z) Lloyd, Katherine J.; Ferguson, Margaret Robertson; Bandele, Ramla M., 1949-; Goldfinger, Johnny
This study is a comparative examination of factors related to a state’s likelihood of granting its local governments broad home rule authority or broad local governing discretion. Six factors are assessed: percentage of a state’s residents living in urban areas, state’s heterogeneity, per capita income, region, age of state, and dominant political culture. Binary, logistic regression analysis is used to determine logistic odds of a state’s granting structural and broad functional home rule authority given the posited factors. Results showed no significant relationships between variables.
Gubernatorial coattail effects in state legislative elections : a reexamination
(2013-12-11) Lang, Matthew Joseph; Dusso, Aaron; Vargus, Brian S.; Ferguson, Margaret Robertson
Prior studies on state legislative elections have found gubernatorial coattails playing a key role; however, they fail to examine the temporal and state-based trends of this phenomena. Using precinct level data from nine states (Alabama, Arkansas, California, Minnesota, New York, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming), over two election cycles (2002 and 2006), I measure the importance a state’s ideological makeup, and a governor’s institutional powers has on gubernatorial coattails. Findings reaffirm the importance of coattails, and previously researched variables; however, the addition of the above measures greatly affects coattail strength, dependent on host of controlling factors.
Imposing democracy by force: can it be done?
(2017) Ochs, Alyson A.; McCormick, John
The imposition and promotion of democracy through military force is an idea that has been discussed throughout U.S. history since the end of World War II. Military interventions—coupled with nation building—serve as a pivotal point of discussion as the United States continues it efforts to establish democratic states in regions all across the world. This thesis examines three unique case studies post-WWII, arguing that democracy cannot, in fact, be forced. This argument arises from historical research as well as democratic evaluation tools such as Freedom House. Democracy must be tied to the culture and people of a given society in order to achieve substantive and enduring change; conducting an election is not sufficient to establish a truly democratic nation.

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