Browsing by Subject "Segregation"

Now showing 1 - 6 of 6
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    African-American Hospitals and Health Care in Early Twentieth Century Indianapolis, Indiana, 1894-1917
    (2016-05) Erickson, Norma B.; Labode, Modupe Gloria; Schneider, William H.; Barrows, Robert G.
    At the end of the nineteenth century, the African-American population of Indianapolis increased, triggering a need for health care for the new emigrants from the South. Within the black population, some individuals pursued medical degrees to become physicians. At the same time, advances in medical treatment—especially surgical operations—shifted the most common site of care from patients’ homes to hospitals. Professionally trained nurses, mostly white, began to replace family members or untrained African-American nurses who previously delivered care to Black patients. Barriers of racial segregation kept both the Black doctors and Black nurses from practicing in the municipal City Hospital in Indianapolis. To remedy this problem, the city's African-American leaders undertook establishing healthcare institutions with nurse training schools during the first few years of the twentieth century. This thesis argues that the healthcare institution-building that occurred in the early twentieth century offered opportunities for the practice of self-help in the Black community. The institutions also created a bridge for Black-white relations because the Black hospitals attracted the support of prominent white leaders. Good health and health care for the sick or injured were necessary to achieve racial uplift, and healthcare consumption became an indicator of social status and economic success. Racially segregated institutions afforded doctors and nurses a chance to increase their expertise and prove they were capable of functioning in the public hospital system. After a decade of working in separate institutions, the Black community prepared to push for full access to the city's tax-supported City Hospital as a civil right.
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    Grades K-12 Curriculum Guide for Attucks: The School That Opened A City
    (WFYI, 2016) Adams, Susan; Bangert, Sara; Bradbury, Kelly; Morton, Crystal; Kandel-Cisco, Brooke; Jackson, Tambra; Murtadha, Khaula; Payne, Patricia
    Many challenging social issues (e.g. stereotyping, democracy, racism, cultural difference, integration, segregation, to name only a few) emerge from “Attucks: The School That Opened A City.” Grappling with these issues is central to children’s understanding of society, therefore they are addressed in this elementary, middle, and high school curriculum guide developed in partnership with Butler University, IUPUI and Indianapolis Public Schools.
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    How baseball’s first commissioner led a conspiracy of silence to preserve baseball’s color line
    (The Conversation US, Inc., 2020-10-16) Lamb, Chris; Journalism and Public Relations, School of Liberal Arts
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    Limitations and liabilities: Flanner House, Planned Parenthood, and African American birth control in 1950s Indianapolis
    (2017-09) Brown, Rachel Christine; Robertson, Nancy Marie; Morgan, Anita; Labode, Modupe
    This thesis analyzes the relationship between Flanner House, an African American settlement house, and Planned Parenthood of Central Indiana to determine why Flanner House director Cleo Blackburn would not allow a birth control clinic to be established at the Herman G. Morgan Health Center in 1951. Juxtaposing the scholarship of African Americans and birth control with the historiography of black settlement houses leads to the conclusion that Blackburn’s refusal to add birth control to the health center’s services had little to do with the black Indianapolis community’s opinions on birth control; instead, Flanner House was confined by conservative limitations imposed on it by white funders and organizations. The thesis examines the success of Blackburn and Freeman B. Ransom, Indianapolis’s powerful black leaders, in working within the system of limitations to establish the Morgan Health Center in 1947. Ransom and Blackburn received monetary support from the United Fund, the Indianapolis Foundation, and the U.S. Children’s Bureau, which stationed one of its physicians, Walter H. Maddux, in Indianapolis. The Center also worked as a part of the Indianapolis City Board of Health’s public health program. These organizations and individuals did not support birth control at this time and would greatly influence Blackburn’s decision about providing contraceptives. In 1951, Planned Parenthood approached Blackburn about adding birth control to the services at Morgan Health Center. Blackburn refused, citing the Catholic influence on the Flanner House board. While acknowledging the anti-birth control stance of Indianapolis Catholics, the thesis focuses on other factors that contributed to Blackburn’s decision and argues that the position of Flanner House as a black organization funded by conservative white organizations had more impact than any religious sentiment; birth control would have been a liability for the Morgan Health Center as adding contraceptives could have threatened the funding the Center needed in order to serve the African American community. Finally, the position of Planned Parenthood and Flanner House as subordinate organizations operating within the limitations of Indianapolis society are compared and found to be similar.
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    Nurse in white only female ward of Evansville/Vanderburgh County Disruptive Hospital.
    (Indiana State Board of Health, 1902-06)
    White Female Ward in Evansville and Vanderburgh County Eruptive Disease Hospital.
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    Worlds Further Apart: The Widening Gap in Life Expectancy among Communities of the Indianapolis Metropolitan Area
    (IU Richard M. Fairbanks School of Public Health; The Polis Center at IUPUI, 2021-08) Weathers, T; Kiehl, NT; Colbert, JT; Nowlin, M; Comer, KF; Staten, LK
    Indianapolis metro area residents are a diverse group of people. What we have in common is that many of our best and worst days have been lived within this larger community. We may recall warm summer hours in our favorite park, a day spent at “the track,” or taking the kids to the Children’s Museum. We may also remember days spent at the bedside of a sick family member in an area hospital or places of tragic loss. Year after year, we build our lives within the Indianapolis metro area. In this way, our lives are linked by a shared community. However, in the neighborhoods we each call home, our daily lives are often vastly different. For some, getting groceries means lugging plastic sacks onto the IndyGo bus after waiting on a patch of worn grass. For others, grocery shopping is a quick drive to one of three favorite options, and the farmer’s market is a weekend routine for fresh produce. Some kids go to school with laptops and fresh smelling pages of new textbooks, while others have worn books and no internet access. Playing outside with friends in one neighborhood builds fitness and friendships, while in another playing outside triggers an asthma attack because of all the car exhaust along the busy roadway. Place differences add up over the days of our lives to affect our health and length of life. The children of one neighborhood have the same biological capacity for a long and healthy life as do the children of any other neighborhood, but where they live and grow and learn often unfairly cuts short their opportunities and their life. In our updated analysis of 104 ZIP Codes in the metro area (2014-2018), we identified the northern suburb of Fishers as our longest living community and just 17 miles away, within the Indianapolis city limits, is the shortest living community within the metro area. Though only 17 miles of distance separate them, their life expectancy is worlds apart. As the White River winds its way through the metro area, flowing northeast to southwest, it connects us as a larger community across time and space. The history of central Indiana is rooted in access to this shared life-supporting resource, where tribes, then towns and cities grew along its banks. Following the winding path of the White River, we see a pattern in life expectancy that also plays out throughout the metro area (See Life Expectancy Mapped Along the White River, 2014-2018, on next page). Life expectancy is lowest in places within the urban core of Indianapolis and also on the outer periphery of the metro area (red), while highest life expectancy is found in the suburban transitions from the city (green). Similar to our earlier findings residents of the longest-living community are living years longer than the U.S. average with a life expectancy comparable to the top high-income countries of the world.1 Residents of the shortest living community are living only as long as U.S. residents lived on average more than six decades ago, and the gap has widened. There is no genetic reason for this inequity. These data compel us to put equity at the forefront in addressing the economic and social policies and structures driving this unfairness. Inequity, in life and health, “saps the strength of the whole society.”2