Browsing by Subject "Citizenship"

Now showing 1 - 6 of 6
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    Civic Websites
    (2024-04-12)
    List of recommended websites that can be used for further information following the 2024 Indiana Libraries and Literacy Symposium.
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    Civic-Minded Rubric 2.0
    (2017-07-10) Weiss, H. Anne; Hahn, Thomas W.; Norris, Kristin E.
    The Civic-Minded Graduate Rubric 2.0 was developed in order to travel across multiple artifacts of and experiences in learning and service. The goal was to create a practical tool for faculty and staff to use when assessing either a large, broad civic learning goal related to obtaining a tertiary education- being a civic minded graduate- or assessing a certain aspect of being civic-minded as it relates to a specific learning experience, initiative, pedagogy or program (empathy, curiosity, depth of community engagement, etc.).
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    The Effects of Job Characteristics on Citizenship Performance
    (2012-08-27) Cavanaugh, Caitlin Maureen; Hazer, John; Williams, Jane R.; Devine, Dennis J. (Dennis John)
    The study of job performance has been a high priority for organizational researchers and practitioners alike. Models of performance have acknowledged that it is affected by both individual differences and environmental factors and also that behaviors outside the job description, called citizenship performance, have value. Despite these acknowledgements, researchers have placed much more emphasis on understanding the influence of individual differences (rather than environmental characteristics) on citizenship performance. Counter to the emphasis on individual differences, the current study sought to evaluate the relationships between environmental characteristics and citizenship performance in the context of the Job Characteristics Model (JCM) and to determine whether the relationships could be both theoretically and empirically understood. Additionally, the relative importance of the environmental variables in the JCM were evaluated and compared to well-known individual difference predictors of citizenship performance. Finally, the current study sought to provide initial evidence for different patterns of relationships between the JCM variables and the three facets of citizenship performance. Undergraduate students employed for at least 20 hours per week were recruited for participation (n = 379) in a cross-sectional study, and data were analyzed using structural equation modeling and regression. Generally, model tests revealed that the JCM as configured performed poorly, though the variables did predict citizenship performance. When job satisfaction was added as another mediator in the model, results were slightly better. Regarding incremental validity, JCM variables were able to explain variance above and beyond the individual difference variables, providing additional support for the importance of the environment in understanding behavior. One implication of this is that practitioners may be able to justify changes to the work environment in an effort to increase citizenship performance. Future research should continue to explore the environment’s effects on citizenship.
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    How Civil Society Organizations Foster Insurgent Citizenship: Lessons from the Brazilian Landless Movement
    (Springer Nature, 2016) Karriem, Abdulrazak; Benjamin, Lehn M.
    This paper describes how the Brazilian Landless Movement fostered an insurgent citizenship among the poor. We describe three core organizational practices of this movement that supported this insurgent citizenship. We find that these practices bear striking resemblance to the practices of other civil society organizations (CSOs), including social service organizations, when they support the empowerment of marginalized communities. The identification of common practices suggests that despite the differences among CSOs, these distinctions may be less stark than assumed and that there may be common causal pathways between CSOs and insurgent citizenship.
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    Howard Zinn and the Struggle for the Microphone: History, Objectivity, and Citizenship
    (2009) Kelly, Jason M.
    Every year, historians in the United States attend the American Historical Association (AHA), a conference that has met annually since 1884. The AHA draws scholars from all specializations, and it is the primary organization through which the profession is represented. In 1969, the conference met at the Sheraton Park Hotel in Washington, D.C. At the business meeting on the evening of 28 December, the radicals sought to take control of the organization. The minutes demonstrate the dangers of trusting narratives--even (or especially) those proffered as neutral accounts. They do not document the moment entirely, nor do they capture the participants' experiences of it. On the central event, the records are silent. What actually happened speaks to the issues of power, neutrality, and knowledge that were central themes in Howard Zinn's career. In those moments, Zinn, representing the Radical Historians' Caucus, sought to present a resolution to the members of the AHA. He grabbed a microphone and attempted to introduce it before the meeting's close. It denounced the twin evils of "the physical and cultural destruction of the Vietnamese people" and the "Black community at home". Before he had a chance to speak, John K. Fairbank intervened by wrestling the microphone out of Zinn's hands. The episode became known as the "Struggle for the Mike". In this article, the author talks about this episode and focuses on history of the profession, notions of objectivity, and citizenship.
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    New Deal or "Raw Deal": African Americans and the Pursuit of Citizenship in Indianapolis During FDR's First Term
    (2009) Clark, Benjamin J.; Barrows, Robert G. (Robert Graham), 1946-; Robertson, Nancy Marie, 1956-; Bingmann, Melissa
    Race and politics have played an important part in shaping the history of the United States, from the first arrival of African slaves in the early seventeenth century to the election of an African-American president in 2008. The Great Depression and the New Deal represent a period that was no exception to the influence of race and politics. After Franklin Roosevelt succeeded Herbert Hoover to the American presidency, there was much faith and hope expressed on the editorial pages of the Indianapolis Recorder that African Americans would be treated fairly under the New Deal. Hope began to wane when little political patronage was dispensed, in the form of government jobs, once the Democrats took office in 1933. As the first incarnation of the New Deal progressed, African Americans continued to experience prejudice, segregation, unfair wages, and generally a “raw deal.” But what was more, African-American women and men were not given a fair opportunity to ensure for themselves better political, social, and economic standing in the future. This struggle for full-fledged citizenship was further underscored when Congress failed to pass anti-lynching legislation in 1934 and 1935. The New Dealers, Franklin Roosevelt chief among them, did not seize the opportunity presented by the Great Depression to push for civil rights and social justice for African Americans. Their intent was not necessarily malicious. A more nuanced view of the issues shows that political expedience, and a measure of indifference, led the New Dealers to not treat civil rights as the pressing issue that it was. Roosevelt and the New Dealers believed that they faced the potential for significant resistance to their economic recovery program from Southern Democrats on Capitol Hill if they tried to interfere with race relations in the South. This thesis examines the first years of the Roosevelt Administration, roughly 1933 through 1936. This timeframe was carefully chosen because it was a period when the issues surrounding race and racism were brought to the fore. In the initial period of the New Deal we can see how Roosevelt met and failed to meet the expectations of African Americans. The prevailing view among the African American leadership in 1935, argued Harvard Sitkoff, was that the federal government had “betrayed [African Americans] under the New Deal.” Sitkoff referred to these “denunciations of the New Deal by blacks” as commonplace from 1933 to 1935. But beginning with the Second New Deal in the middle 1930s the criticism turned to applause.