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Item Funding Terrorism: The Problem of Ransom Payments(2016) Dutton, Yvonne M.; Robert H. McKinley School of LawConcerns about the increased role ransoms play in funding terrorism have led to calls for a universal policy banning ransom payments to terrorists. In June 2013, the G8 leaders issued a communiqué in which they recognized that ransom payments to terrorists helps to strengthen the organization and fund future incidents of kidnapping for ransom. The G8 leaders accordingly “welcome[d] efforts to prevent kidnapping and to secure the safe release of hostages without ransom payments.” In January 2014, the United Nations Security Council unanimously adopted a Resolution expressing concern about the increase in terrorist kidnappings for ransom and that the payments fund future hostage-takings. It further called on states to prevent terrorists from benefiting from ransom payments and to work with the private sector so that they would respond to kidnappings without paying ransoms. Additional Security Council Resolutions referencing a ransom ban have followed. What, though, is the import of these recent measures? Analysis of the text of the communiqué and the resolutions shows that they do not create clear, binding, and enforceable obligations on states to refuse to pay ransoms to terrorists. This means that there is also reason to expect that states that have previously acceded to terrorist ransom demands or permitted their citizens to pay ransoms to terrorists will not change their behavior. Thus, these recent measures present a puzzle: namely, if they are not obligatory and backed by enforcement mechanisms to hold states accountable, why were they adopted? This Article draws on the literature about norm influence to suggest an answer: adopting these measures has the potential to impact behavior in a meaningful and constructive way in the future. In fact, this Article suggests that the only realistic avenue to produce change in this context is through persuasion, as opposed to force. Consider the ethical dilemma. Even if a state is comfortable enforcing its own “no concessions” policies, why would it want to assume the ethical burden of forcing another state to sacrifice the lives of its citizens? States may feel similarly as regards the private sector: while they may not want the private sector to pay ransoms, punishing individuals who pay under duress for the safe return of their loved ones is not generally consistent with the criminal law: it seems ethically and morally wrong. Urging states and citizens to refuse to pay ransoms because doing so serves the greater goals of depriving terrorists of funding and the motivation for future kidnappings is a different matter. When one “urges,” as opposed to “forces,” one does not assume the ultimate decision of whether to pay or not.Item The Intelligence Fusion Process for State, Local and Tribal Law Enforcement(2009-12) Carter, David L.; Carter, Jeremy G.Intelligence fusion centers have grown rapidly in the last few years as state, local, and tribal law enforcement agencies have attempted to find the best way to share information about threats to their communities. The Department of Homeland Security and the Information Sharing Environment of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence embraced fusion centers as being an important mechanism to aid them in their missions to share terrorism information among law enforcement, the private sector, and the intelligence community. The development and management of fusion centers have received significant guidance from the Justice Department, via the Global Intelligence Working Group, by developing standards for structure and processes. Critics, however, are concerned that the centers have inadequate protections for privacy and civil rights. This article examines issues in the development of fusion centers and provides an examination of the support for and criticisms of such agencies.Item The Post-9/11 State of Emergency: Reality versus Rhetoric(Philosophy Documentation Center, Charlottesville, VA, 2004) Byrne, Edmund F.After the 9/11 attacks the US Administration went beyond emergency response towards imperialism, but cloaked its agenda in the rhetoric of fighting "terrorists" and "terrorism". After distinguishing between emergency thinking and emergency planning, I question the Administration's "war on terrorism" rhetoric in three stages. First, upon examining the post-9/11 antiterrorism discourse I find that it splits into two agendas: domestic, protect our infrastructure; and foreign, select military targets. Second, I review (legitimate) approaches to emergency planning already in place. Third, after reviewing what philosophers have said about emergencies, I recommend they turn their attention to the biases inherent in and misleading uses of antiterrorism terminology.Item Puppets of Terror: The Limits and Opportunities of Creating Ambiguity about Terrorists and Terrorism through Humor(Office of the Vice Chancellor for Research, 2013-04-05) Davey, LydiaAt times of war, the rhetorical strategy of framing an opponent as a dispensible “other” and dehumanizing the enemy enables people to view other human beings as worthy of death. Since 9/11, the labels of “terror” and “terrorist” have served these rhetorical ends. This analysis explores the ways that puppetry and rhetorical strategies of humor have been used since the 9/11 attacks to create ambiguity around the concepts of terrorists and terrorism. Comedians, with the help of a small army of complex, ambivalent characters, have problematized the politics of fear and dehumanization. This research examined puppets from three sources: the satirical news program The Daily Show with Jon Stewart; the marionette movie Team America; and ventriloquist Jeff Dunham. The research draws on scholarship about the purpose and social functions of humor. Through the lens of rhetorical criticism and cultural studies, I analyzed the persona constructed by the puppets and the implications of their messages about terrorism, terrorists, and domestic policy. I suggest that the humorous use of puppets constructs a neutered terrorist threat, breaks down rigid perception barriers, and challenges visceral reactions to the words “terrorist” and “terror.” These performances also call into question the rigid and binary distinctions between good and evil that the politics of fear construct. However, even as they create ambiguity, these comic figures provide subtle strategies to deride the enemy, vent anger, and reinforce stereotypes about the threat of the “Other.” For better or worse, the use of not-quite human representatives of terror allowed America to laugh again after 9/11. Understanding the role of humor as it relates to fear, particularly regarding the sensitive and often racially charged discussion of radical Islamic fundamentalists, contributes to a refined perspective of the role of humor as a political tool.Item Review of James P. Sterba, ed., Terrorism and International Justice(Philosophy Documentation Center, Charlottesville, VA, 2004-06) Byrne, Edmund F.Item A Threat Assessment and Security Analysis of the Three Sports Facilities of Indiana University-Purdue University, Indianapolis NCAA Softball Fields, Carroll Stadium, and the IU Natatorium(2019-05-06) Diaz, Carmen; Haines, Amanda; Richardson, Owen; Brooks, Willie; Ward, Kristol; Albert, Kevin; Amos, Tania; Baker, A. J.; Beck, Alex; Clemens, Zachary; Conway, Scott; Lane, Emelyne; Lopez, Sergio; McDonald, Douglas; Miller, David; Newcomer, John; Palmer, Alexandria; Plunkett, Abbie; Purkiser, Ryan; Smith, Andrew; Sutton, Troy; Foley, William A., Jr.This research report provides a security assessment of the Softball Fields, Carroll Stadium, and the Natatorium Complex at Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). The purpose of this report is to prevent and mitigate harm to visitors and these facilities which resulting from human-made or natural disasters. Research is guided by the hypothesis that these facilities- due to their respective importance, locations, and attendance patterns are in harm’s way; and that certain strategies of prevention, protection, and mitigation coupled with effective preparedness, response, and recovery can lessen risk, improve security and provide A THREAT ASSESSMENT AND SECURITY ANALYSIS 5 added resilience. Further, “harm’s way” is considered to be either a natural disaster or a human-made disaster, accident, active provocation, or act of terrorism. Methods of analysis include applied research; predominantly utilizing qualitative data with some quantitative investigation. Results of this assessment illustrate that these venues possess numerous vulnerabilities to both natural and human-made threats that if exposed, could result in serious consequences. The two most likely natural hazards identified include straight-line winds and tornadoes. Further, the most likely human threats to these facilities arise from a potential terrorist vehicle attack (TVA) and an active shooter. This project also identifies a specific need for additional planning to prevent an IED or VBIED attack on the Natatorium. Common themes from the attached three case studies reveal that given theses vulnerabilities, the following safety and security adjustments are recommended: Surveillance equipment Metal detectors Security bollards or other temporary barriers Evacuation routes and shelter in place plans Special event security procedures Weather related technology and protocols Staff training for emergency situationsItem Why “Dissident” Irish Republicans Haven't Gone Away(Oxford, 2021-06) White, Robert W.; Sociology, School of Liberal ArtsWhen considering “terrorists” and “terrorism,” the focus tends to be on violence—the threat of violence, its aftermath, the ideology and belief systems that lead to it, and so forth. Political violence, however, represents only a portion of the repertoire of collective action that is available to “terrorists.” Images from “dissident” Irish Republican events and photo-elicitation interviews with activists who participated in these events show that: (1) the repertoire of “violent” organizations includes nonviolent political activity; and (2) the organizational structures and affective incentives that sustain activism in nonviolent voluntary associations and social movement organizations also sustain activism in organizations that embrace physical force or “terrorism.” In combination, these findings show that “dissident” Irish Republicans are likely to persist into the foreseeable future. More generally, the findings also show that our understanding of “terrorists” and “terrorist organizations” will be enhanced if we focus less on their violent activities and more on their similarities with nonviolent activists and organizations.