Browsing by Subject "racial threat"

Now showing 1 - 4 of 4
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    A bigger piece of the pie? State corrections spending and the politics of social order
    (2007-02) Stucky, Thomas D.; Heimer, Karen; Lang, Joseph B.
    The dramatic increase in American state prison populations during the past three decades has sparked considerable research interest. Empirical research has most often examined changes in prison admissions or populations, but few studies have considered shifts in state corrections budgets. This study examines variation in annual, state-level corrections expenditures as a proportion of state expenditures from 1980 to 1998, drawing together existing theoretical arguments about criminal punishment under a common rubric that focuses on state responsibility for the maintenance of social order and the need for state officials to maintain office through popular election. From this view, partisan politics, economic and racial threats, citizen preferences, fiscal considerations, policy priorities, and crime are important explanations of corrections spending because they affect strategies for maintaining social order, garnering votes, and maintaining political office. Findings generally support this perspective. Partisan politics, racial threats, state economic prosperity, and budgetary priorities all play a role in determining state corrections expenditures.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    The Conditional Effects of Race and Politics on Social Control: Black Violent Crime Arrests in Large Cities, 1970 to 1990
    (2012-02) Stucky, Thomas D.
    Numerous studies of the determinants of formal social control of Blacks focus on racial threat arguments, which contain implicit or explicit political elements. Using insights from research on politics and social control more generally, this article argues that the relationship between variation in the racial composition of a city and social control of minorities will be conditional on characteristics of the local political system. Hypotheses are tested using pooled cross-sectional time-series data on 100 large U.S. cities in 1970, 1980, and 1990. Contrary to expectations, Black violent crime arrest rates are curvilinearly negatively associated with larger percentages of Black residents. As predicted, the relationship between the percentage of Black residents and Black violent crime arrest rates is conditional on city political system characteristics (elected mayors, district council elections, and partisan ballots), the race of the mayor, and the percentage of city council members who are Black.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Further Tests of the Influence of Black Mayors on Murders of Police: A Response to Jacobs
    (2010-05) Kaminski, Robert J.; Stucky, Thomas D.
    In response to our reanalysis and extension of Jacobs and Carmichael (2002) in which we found no evidence of a Black mayor effect, Jacobs (this issue) critiques our article on theoretical and methodological grounds. Theoretically, Jacobs argues that we did not provide sufficient justification for the inclusion of the percentage of the city council that was Black. Methodological criticisms include failure to include a nonlinear specification of percent divorced, improper temporal ordering, and the inclusion of only a single regional dummy variable. In our rejoinder we clarify the theoretical importance of the percentage of the city council that was Black and we address each of Jacobs’ methodological concerns. In additional analyses, we again find that the effect of the Black mayor variable is not robust to model specification or data employed, which was the point of our original article.
  • Thumbnail Image
    Item
    Reassessing Political Explanations for Murders of Police
    (2009-02) Kaminski, Robert J.; Stucky, Thomas D.
    The article discusses how Jacobs and Carmichael, drawing on the racial threat thesis, argue that the overrepresentation of Blacks among felons who murder police is in part explained by Blacks' conscious or unconscious responses to political subordination by the State. In testing this argument, Jacobs and Carmichael find that their key theoretical variable—the presence of a Black mayor—is inversely related to police homicides and injurious assaults across many model specifications. This article describes a limited reanalysis of Jacobs and Carmichael's homicide data and additional analyses with a larger sample of cities. The findings suggest that the significance of the Black mayor variable may have been an artifact of model specification. Instead, there is evidence that Black city council representation may be associated with reduced homicides of police by Blacks. Further research is needed, however, because of the limited explanatory power of the key factors highlighted in past research.