Browsing by Subject "politics"

Now showing 1 - 10 of 19
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    Beyond the Three “Bs” How American Christians Approach Faith and Politics
    (2012-08) Friesen, Amanda; Wagner, Michael W
    While it is well known that religiosity measures inform modern political alignments and voting behavior, less is known about how people of various religious orthodoxies think about the role of religion in society. To learn more about this veritable “black box” with respect to whether and why people connect their spiritual life to the political world, we conducted several focus groups in randomly selected Christian congregations in a mid-sized Midwestern city. Our analysis offers confirmatory, amplifying, and challenging evidence with respect to the “Three Bs” (believing, behaving, and belonging) perspective on how religion affects politics. Specifically, we show that while contemporary measures of religious traditionalism accurately reflect individuals’ partisan, ideological, and issue preferences, attitudes regarding the broad intersection of faith and politics are perhaps best understood via the presence (or absence) of denominational guidance on questions of the role of religion in society. We conclude by offering suggestions for future survey research seeking to explain the relationship between religion and politics.
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    A bigger piece of the pie? State corrections spending and the politics of social order
    (2007-02) Stucky, Thomas D.; Heimer, Karen; Lang, Joseph B.
    The dramatic increase in American state prison populations during the past three decades has sparked considerable research interest. Empirical research has most often examined changes in prison admissions or populations, but few studies have considered shifts in state corrections budgets. This study examines variation in annual, state-level corrections expenditures as a proportion of state expenditures from 1980 to 1998, drawing together existing theoretical arguments about criminal punishment under a common rubric that focuses on state responsibility for the maintenance of social order and the need for state officials to maintain office through popular election. From this view, partisan politics, economic and racial threats, citizen preferences, fiscal considerations, policy priorities, and crime are important explanations of corrections spending because they affect strategies for maintaining social order, garnering votes, and maintaining political office. Findings generally support this perspective. Partisan politics, racial threats, state economic prosperity, and budgetary priorities all play a role in determining state corrections expenditures.
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    The Conditional Effects of Race and Politics on Social Control: Black Violent Crime Arrests in Large Cities, 1970 to 1990
    (2012-02) Stucky, Thomas D.
    Numerous studies of the determinants of formal social control of Blacks focus on racial threat arguments, which contain implicit or explicit political elements. Using insights from research on politics and social control more generally, this article argues that the relationship between variation in the racial composition of a city and social control of minorities will be conditional on characteristics of the local political system. Hypotheses are tested using pooled cross-sectional time-series data on 100 large U.S. cities in 1970, 1980, and 1990. Contrary to expectations, Black violent crime arrest rates are curvilinearly negatively associated with larger percentages of Black residents. As predicted, the relationship between the percentage of Black residents and Black violent crime arrest rates is conditional on city political system characteristics (elected mayors, district council elections, and partisan ballots), the race of the mayor, and the percentage of city council members who are Black.
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    Conscientious Women: The Dispositional Conditions of Institutional Treatment on Civic Involvement
    (Cambridge UP, 2016) Friesen, Amanda; Djupe, Paul A.; Department of Political Science, School of Liberal Arts
    Current thinking about the effect of religion on civic engagement centers on “institutional treatment”—the development of resources, social pathways to recruitment, and motivation that occurs in small groups and activities of congregations. None of this work has yet incorporated the personality traits that may shape the uptake of institutional treatment. Following a growing line of research articulating how individual predispositions condition political involvement, we argue that gendered personality differences may moderate civic skill development. With new data, we find that women do not develop skills from religious involvement at the same rate as men and that this pattern is largely attributable to their distinctive personality profile. The results shift the balance between individuals and institutional influences by augmenting the cognitive bases for acquiring church-gained experiences and linking them to the public square.
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    Crime, Politics, and Punishment: Criminological Research for Political Sociologists
    (2013-07) Stucky, Thomas D.
    As a sociologist studying the intersection of crime, punishment, and politics, it is often surprising to me how many aspects of political sociology and the study of crime and punishment overlap, and yet, there is often limited cross-fertilization of the two fields. For the sake of brevity in this discussion, I refer to those who study crime, deviance, law, criminal justice, and punishment as criminologists. My goal is to provide an extremely brief “primer” on criminology for political sociologists, in the hopes that a short reading of some issues and research in criminology may stimulate additional theorizing and research, as has so often happened when I have read political sociological work. To do this, I begin with a brief discussion of overlaps in political sociological and criminological perspectives. Following this, I highlight some examples of criminological research which incorporates politics, and would likely interest political sociologists, Then, I highlight a hot button issue in criminology – sex offenses – and suggest some ways that political sociologists could examine recent legislation on sex offenders and conclude with brief discussions of a few additional areas of overlap for the two disciplines.
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    Crusading for Moral Authority: Christian Nationalism and Opposition to Science
    (Wiley, 2020-09) Baker, Joseph O.; Perry, Samuel L.; Whitehead, Andrew L.; Sociology, School of Liberal Arts
    Numerous studies show biblicist Christianity, religiosity, and conservative political identity are strong predictors of Americans holding skeptical attitudes toward publicly controversial aspects of science, such as human evolution. We show that Christian nationalism—meaning the desire to see particularistic and exclusivist versions of Christian symbols, values, and policies enshrined as the established religion of the United States—is a strong and consistent predictor of Americans’ attitudes about science above and beyond other religious and political characteristics. Further, a majority of the overall effect of political ideology on skepticism about the moral authority of science is mediated through Christian nationalism, indicating that political conservatives are more likely to be concerned with particular aspects of science primarily because they are more likely to be Christian nationalists. Likewise, substantial proportions of the well-documented associations between religiosity and biblical “literalism” with views of science are mediated through Christian nationalism. Because Christian nationalism seeks to establish a particular and exclusivist vision of Christianity as the dominant moral order, adherents feel threatened by challenges to the epistemic authority undergirding that order, including by aspects of science perceived as challenging the supremacy of biblicist authority.
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    Disaster Policies and Governance: Promoting Community Resilience
    (Cogitatio, 2016-12) Kapucu, Naim; Sadiq, Abdul-Akeem; School of Public and Environmental Affairs
    This brief editorial introduction highlights the importance of policies and effective governance for disaster resilience including communities, individuals, institutions, and organizations through the execution of deliberate choice and collective action. Effective facilitation of development and implementation of disaster policies can lead to more resilient communities in the aftermath of disasters. The success of design, development, and execution of disaster resilience policies require engagement of the “whole community”.
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    From social movements to contentious politics a comparative critical literature review across the U.S. and China
    (2014-01-03) Xie, Yunping; Bao, Wan-Ning; Seybold, Peter James, 1950-; Modibo, Najja N.
    This thesis is a critical literature review on the studies of social movements and contentious politics in the U.S. and China. Thanks to theories of contentious politics, we can analyze the studies of America’s social movements and China’s collective actions in the same “frame.” By making a comparison, this thesis tries to construct a theoretical dialogue between the studies across both countries. At the same time, it criticizes over-generalizing the mode “democratic-nondemocratic” in analysis of repertories of contentious politics and downplaying capitalism’s role in the social movements. From the various empirical studies in both countries, this thesis argues that a generalization should be based on the diversity of this realm, not just from the western perspective.
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    Gender and Physiological Effects in Connecting Disgust to Political Preferences
    (2011-12) Friesen, Amanda; Jacobs, Carly M
    Sensitivity to disgust predicts social attitudes, but this relationship can shift depending on gender and whether response to disgust is measured through surveys or physiological tests. We are interested in exploring the relationship between gender, political preferences, and different measures of disgust. Methods We systematically evaluate these interrelationships by comparing self-reported disgust sensitivity and changes in skin conductance while viewing disgusting images, accounting for gender and attitudes toward gay marriage. Results We find that although there is no physiological difference between genders, opponents of gay marriage conform to gender-role expectations in self-reports, with women reporting higher levels of disgust than males. For males, physiological response better predicts attitudes on gay marriage because there are physiological, but not self-reported, differences between supporters and opponents. Self-report and physiology both predict gay marriage attitudes for females. Conclusion Our findings suggest that combining traditional survey and physiological measures provides leverage in exploring questions related to social behaviors and their origins.
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    Grace Julian Clarke: The Emergence of a Political Actor, 1915-1920
    (2019-11) Swihart, Jacqueline; Morgan, Anita; Barrows, Robert G.; Kostroun, Daniella J.; Gabin, Nancy F.
    The perspectives of unique suffragists and clubwomen in Indiana, like Grace Julian Clarke, reflect the typically overlooked narrative of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Far from a bystander, Clarke engaged in political wars at the state level long before having the right to vote. She demonstrated this ability early on when she acted as a campaign manager during the 1915 Indiana Federation of Clubs presidential election. By its end, club women around the state knew who Clarke was, trusted her word, and looked to her for critical information. As World War I encroached and threatened the nationwide fight for suffrage, Clarke again remained loyal to suffrage by using war-related activities to promote and expand awareness of women’s work and abilities in Indiana. Clarke strategically used these activities as a tool to advocate for enfranchisement by pressing leaders on her belief that women had earned their rightful place as equal partners. Although she stayed active in the suffrage movement throughout the war, it became clear toward its end that her assets as a political leader were demanded at a higher level. As such, she turned her attention toward international affairs (particularly the League of Nations) and away from suffrage. Though the United States never joined the League of Nations, Clarke’s advocacy of the covenant was critical in her formation as a true political influencer. By the time the covenant was being disputed at the national level, Clarke was corresponding with national leaders to coordinate speaking events around the state. She became more exclusive in these speaking engagements, as there were very few women who actually understood the covenant well enough to speak on its behalf. Clarke was unique in her ability to speak out for her own values, in large part due to the influence of her father, former Congressman George W. Julian. Her story demonstrates that women’s political influence did not begin nor end with the 19th amendment. Rather, women’s political influence evolved over time, and is still evolving today.