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Item Comorbid Conditions Among Adults 50 Years and Older With Traumatic Brain Injury: Examining Associations With Demographics, Healthcare Utilization, Institutionalization, and 1-Year Outcomes(Wolters Kluwer, 2019) Kumar, Raj G.; Olsen, Jennifer; Juengst, Shannon B.; Dams-OʼConnor, Kristen; OʼNeil-Pirozzi, Therese M.; Hammond, Flora M.; Wagner, Amy K.; Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, School of MedicineObjectives: To assess the relationship of acute complications, preexisting chronic diseases, and substance abuse with clinical and functional outcomes among adults 50 years and older with moderate-to-severe traumatic brain injury (TBI). Design: Prospective cohort study. Participants: Adults 50 years and older with moderate-to-severe TBI (n = 2134). Measures: Clusters of comorbid health conditions empirically derived from non-injury International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision codes, demographic/injury variables, and outcome (acute and rehabilitation length of stay [LOS], Functional Independence Measure efficiency, posttraumatic amnesia [PTA] duration, institutionalization, rehospitalization, and Glasgow Outcome Scale-Extended (GOS-E) at 1 year). Results: Individuals with greater acute hospital complication burden were more often middle-aged men, injured in motor vehicle accidents, and had longer LOS and PTA. These same individuals experienced higher rates of 1-year rehospitalization and greater odds of unfavorable GOS-E scores at 1 year. Those with greater chronic disease burden were more likely to be rehospitalized at 1 year. Individuals with more substance abuse burden were most often younger (eg, middle adulthood), black race, less educated, injured via motor vehicle accidents, and had an increased risk for institutionalization. Conclusion: Preexisting health conditions and acute complications contribute to TBI outcomes. This work provides a foundation to explore effects of comorbidity prevention and management on TBI recovery in older adults.Item The Demobilization of Protest Campaigns(Oxford University Press, 2017-06) Demirel-Pegg, TijenAll protest campaigns move through cycles of escalation and de-escalation and ultimately demobilize. Some campaigns demobilize quickly as protesters reach their goals. The 2011 Egyptian uprising, when protesters left the streets after they brought down the Mubarak regime, for example, is a case of rapid demobilization. Others, like the 2011 uprising in Bahrain, demobilize over a longer time span before protests come to a complete halt. In Bahrain, the government first cracked down on the opposition by bringing in foreign troops and then continued to repress protesters until the protesters ended the campaign in 2012. Regardless of the length of time it takes for protesters to leave the streets and stop the protests, demobilization is a complex process. Numerous factors, such as severe repression, government concessions, countermobilization of opposition groups, leadership changes, or even unexpected events, can all bring about demobilization. These factors and strategies may occur simultaneously or sequentially, but usually one or a combination of them lead to the demobilization of a protest campaign. Moreover, demobilization is a dynamic process, as it continues to evolve out of the endogenous interactions among governments, challengers, bystanders, and, in some cases, as in Bahrain, external third-party actors.Even though every protest campaign eventually demobilizes one way or another, the demobilization phase has generally attracted less scholarly attention than the onset and escalation of violent and nonviolent forms of collective action. For a long time, most scholars addressed demobilization indirectly within the context of the repression-dissent nexus as they explored why repression backfires and escalates dissent in some cases, while it succeeds in demobilizing the opposition in others. Nonetheless, factors besides state repression contribute to the demobilization of dissent. In other words, a state’s accommodative tactics, as well as individual, organizational, or even regional and systemic factors that interact with the state’s actions, have the potential to shape when and how political dissent demobilizes. More recently, scholars have begun to examine why and how protest campaigns demobilize by stepping out of the repression-dissent nexus and focusing on a variety of other factors related to organizational structures, regime types, individual-level constraints, and contingent events that affect the trajectory of campaigns. At the same time, recent studies on state repression have also begun to focus more heavily on the different causal mechanisms that explain how a state’s repressive tactics can lead to demobilization. While this new line of research has made significant contributions to our understanding of the demobilization of protests, we are still left with important questions about the demobilization process that have yet to be answered.Item The Eugenic Origins of Indiana's Muscatatuck Colony: 1920-2005(2020-09) Bragg, Abigail Nicole; Nelson, Elizabeth; Morgan, Anita; Cramer, KevinThis thesis examines the widely unknown history and origins of Muscatatuck Colony, located in Butlerville, Indiana. The national eugenics movement impacted the United States politically, medically, legally, and socially. While the United States established mental institutions prior to the eugenics movement, many institutions, including ones in Indiana, were founded as eugenic tools to advance the agenda of achieving a “purer” society. Muscatatuck was one such state institution founded during this national movement. I explore various elements that made the national eugenics movement effective, how Indiana helped advance the movement, and how all these elements impacted Muscatatuck’s founding. I investigate the language used to describe people that were considered “mentally inferior,” specifically who the “feeble-minded” were and how Americans were grouped into this category. I research commonly held beliefs by eugenicists of this time-period, eugenic methods implemented, and how these discussions and actions led to the establishment of Muscatatuck in 1920. Muscatatuck Colony, though a byproduct of the national eugenics movement, outlived this scientific effort. Toward the mid and late twentieth century, Muscatatuck leadership executed institutional change to best reflect American society’s evolving thoughts on mental health and how best to treat people with mental disabilities. Muscatatuck Colony reveals a complicated narrative of how best to treat or care for people within these institutions, a complex narrative that many mental institutions share.